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Tuesday, October 13, 2026
Monday, October 12, 2026
NEW INC. MAGAZINE COLUMN FROM HOWARD TULLMAN
Your Pricing Data Shows What
Customers Did. Kapnova Wants to Reveal What Will Make Them Buy Next
You
could look backwards for a lifetime without adding materially to your
decision-making ability.
EXPERT OPINION BY HOWARD
TULLMAN, GENERAL MANAGING PARTNER, G2T3V AND CHICAGO HIGH TECH
INVESTORS @TULLMAN
Oct 13,
2
One of the most ironic
aspects of the AI revolution, as the latest frontier models race to
lead us into an increasingly uncertain future, is that all our knowledge (and
every scrap of data used to train these engines) is based on the past, but what
we’re looking for guidance on from these tools and new technologies is making
all kinds of decisions that are 100 percent about the future.
Personalized pricing, which targets each of us as individuals
defined by our past purchasing predilections, is emerging across the board with
some modest resistance. It feels more every day like the present is becoming
the future faster than it is becoming the past. Every autocatalytic change
seems to accelerate the next change coming rapidly down the line.
At the same time, noted
scholars, MBA professors and professional investors have all repeatedly
cautioned us and advised prospective entrepreneurs and ambitious innovators to
largely forget about the past. Why. Because no one has become successful in the
past. In addition, it’s abundantly clear that we all have a tendency to
remember the past as far more glorious and pleasant than it was. Millions of us
long for those imagined days of old when the whole world seemed to move more
slowly. There’s the past and there’s the story we tell ourselves about it. In
fact, too many business owners, operators and managers today spend their time
looking forward to the past and, as a result, continue to fall further behind
their competition.
At best, we’re told that
we should be concerned about the past only as a prelude to the future. It’s
critical to remember your past mistakes and address them so you don’t repeat
them, but being a prisoner of the past or letting it guide your future is a bad
bet. Virtually every financial investment document written in the last century
has contained these prophetic words: “past results are no guarantee of future
performance” or something very similar which is boilerplate language actually
required in many cases by applicable provisions of the securities laws. And
yet, all the major LLMs actually have virtually nothing else to base their
operations on.
So, I was intrigued to
learn about a new company called Kapnova, which is an AI decision-intelligence business
focused on predictive pricing for consumer brands. The Kapnova team has built a
series of new tools, agents, simulations, and analytical systems based largely
on research coming from MIT that takes an additive approach, which doesn’t
ignore all of the past history and behaviors or the extensive correlations that
can be drawn from that data, but adds specific emphasis on what they call
causal inference—basically not simply recording and reporting on what happened,
but focusing on figuring out why certain actions were taken and what the
specific drivers and levers were which caused those choices and decisions.
Once you’ve identified
the key influences and inputs to specific consumer actions, you can build
models and tests to determine how incremental changes in the variables,
expenditures, and volumes of pricing, promotions, marketing efforts and inventory allocations can all act to
increase revenues and profits. It’s another level of inquiry and
differentiation that feels like a sniper scope approach rather than a shotgun.
Every LLM engine takes all the past tonnage and grinds it for correlations, but
we’ve been taught from Day One that correlation alone never adequately explains
causation.
Kapnova’s offerings and
solutions combine econometrics, causal science, and human analysis, enhanced by
the use of specialized agents. The agents apply the conclusions drawn from
testing prior actions and spends in constant reviews of marketplace conditions
and changes and then identify and highlight instances where strategic and
timely changes in different variables will likely optimize the results.
Opportunities are called out and scored for the client teams to make final
determinations, but the speed of the operations isn’t belated or
after-the-fact. It provides real time suggestions and directions.
How far can prices be
raised on a given product before demand falls enough to impact overall revenue?
Which ad spends are working to produce incremental sales and which discounts
and promotions are actually costing the client money when the customers would
have purchased regardless of the price? To be clear, you could be looking
backwards for a lifetime without adding materially to your decision-making
ability with respect to ongoing current changes.
We can’t go back and
change the past, or the actions and decisions that were made that may have led
to unfortunate results, no matter how much we may wish to do so, but it’s never
too late to change the future. Kapnova offers a look ahead at what the future
is very likely to hold for consumer product pricing. We’ll never get better if
we keep doing things the same way that we did in the past.
Thursday, October 08, 2026
BESSENT
Inside
Bessent’s Treasury: Tension, Turnover and Unmet Economic Goals
Ahead
of midterms that could turn on high prices and borrowing costs, secretary
dresses down officials
By
Oct.
6, 2026 9:00 pm
WASHINGTON—Scott Bessent was fuming.
President Trump had just asked his Treasury secretary
to investigate allegations of fraud in Minnesota’s Somali community—and Bessent
thought one of his top deputies was dragging his feet.
During a January meeting at the Treasury Department,
Bessent confronted John Hurley, the agency’s undersecretary for terrorism and
financial intelligence, yelling at him in front of aides and unleashing
profanities.
Bessent shouted so loudly that staff working nearby
could hear him, according to people with direct knowledge of the matter.
Weeks later, Bessent discussed with aides the idea of
finding Hurley, who had been confirmed by the Senate for his position, a job
outside the department, the people said. Hurley left to be U.S. ambassador to
the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. It was one of a
string of high-level departures in the top ranks of the department at a moment
when the Treasury secretary was staring down the biggest challenges of his
career.
Bessent’s behavior was a factor—and sometimes the
most-important one—in the departure of multiple key officials, people familiar
with the matter said.
Since he became Treasury secretary in early 2025,
Bessent has dressed down senior advisers and junior staffers alike over issues
large and small, according to more than a dozen current and former Treasury
officials.
But Trump has only pulled Bessent closer, empowering
him to solve stubborn problems in the economy, including higher borrowing
costs, intractable inflation pushed up by gas prices and government debt that is piling up quickly. At
the same time, Bessent has been tasked with ending the war in Iran
with a sweeping sanctions plan.
A senior administration official who worked with
Bessent said the president’s entire economic policy agenda is on the Treasury
secretary’s shoulders. “Scott cannot fail,” the official said.
John Hurley, center,
arrived for his Senate confirmation hearing in April 2025. Kent Nishimura/Bloomberg News
His backers say his hard-charging style gets results.
But 20 months into his tenure at the department, Bessent is facing skepticism
on Wall Street and an economy that could wreck Republican chances in November’s
midterm elections.
Bessent advised Trump to pursue a “3-3-3” policy: cutting the budget deficit to 3% of gross
domestic product by 2028, spurring GDP growth of 3% and producing an additional
three million barrels of oil a day. But growth has been around 2%, and oil
production has increased less than a million barrels a day since Trump took
office. The budget deficit is now over 6% of GDP, according to the Committee
for a Responsible Federal Budget. U.S. debt overall recently topped $40 trillion.
A deepening selloff in U.S. government bonds has driven
the yield on the 10-year U.S. Treasury note to highs last seen more than two
decades ago, despite a stepped-up buyback program Bessent set into motion to contain
the increase. The result is higher borrowing costs for Americans, a perilous
trend for Republicans.
The Iran war, meanwhile, has no clear end in sight, although there are signs the U.S.
blockade of Iranian ports and economic squeeze engineered by the Trump
administration is making the regime more desperate for a way out. But the
president recently rejected Iran’s offer for a deal and has also told aides he
expects another U.S. bombing campaign against Iran after the
midterms.
Bessent, meanwhile, has projected unwavering
confidence. He has dismissed his critics as “Bloomberg terminal bros,”
referring to those on Wall Street questioning his moves, and quipped in a
recent interview, “I am the house now,” citing the insights he has gained as
Treasury secretary. “You can bet against me if you want.”
He has become increasingly emboldened, making
unilateral decisions that have confounded even some of his longtime allies and
friends.
And his temper has flared. He has shouted at staff for
not moving fast enough to implement his ideas and for failing to combat
unfavorable media coverage, some of the officials said. Last year, Bessent got
so angry about the way his daily briefing book was organized that he picked up
the binder full of papers and threw it at a wall, people familiar with the
matter said.
Bessent denied the account to The Wall Street Journal.
“A lot of people in the investment community had hoped
he was the adult in the room,” said Stephen Myrow, a former Treasury official
and managing partner at Beacon Policy Advisors. Investors are “starting to see
him as acting more and more like Trump…and that’s shaking confidence in him.”
This account of Bessent’s tenure at Treasury is based
on interviews with more than 30 former and current officials at the department
and in the wider administration, close associates from Wall Street and others.
Bessent with President
Trump, Secretary of State Marco Rubio and others during the NATO summit in
Ankara, Turkey, in July. Win McNamee/Getty Images
A Treasury spokesman said Bessent “approaches the job
with a deep sense of responsibility and urgency,” and “has high expectations of
the United States Treasury’s performance.” The spokesman, who didn’t comment on
Bessent’s interactions with staff or other officials, said Bessent’s successes
included the implementation of tax cuts for families, bank regulatory reform,
more than a dozen major economic agreements, the China economic relationship
and the program to cut Iran off from the international financial system.
Hurley said in a statement that he was aligned with
Bessent on the Minnesota fraud probe. “Scott Bessent is a brilliant and
fearless warrior for President Trump and the American people,” he said.
The White House stood by Bessent’s management style in
a statement to the Journal. “The level of professionalism and accountability
Secretary Bessent has instilled department-wide is one of the great
accomplishments of this administration,” White House spokeswoman Taylor Rogers
said.
Tight
circle
At the end of August, Bessent stepped onto a stage at
Treasury to unveil his economic plan to end the war in Iran, tethering his
political future to a conflict that has stymied the president and his senior
advisers for months. Keenly aware that Trump was looking for a way out of the
military conflict, Bessent privately convinced the president it was time to
trade in bombs for economic warfare, according to people close to the
administration.
Bessent and a small group of close advisers put
together the plan, according to people familiar with the matter.
The Treasury secretary leaned on Gene Lange—a trusted
ally who used to work for him at his investment firm, Key Square Capital
Management.
Shortly after Hurley left his role, Bessent gave Lange
his duties—though not the Senate-confirmed job—giving him control over the
department’s powerful Office of Terrorism and Financial Intelligence, which
oversees everything from money laundering to sanctions.
The economic campaign has been dismissed by some
foreign policy experts and economists as inadequate to batter Tehran into
submission and for not directly targeting the government of China, its key
trading partner.
The episode is emblematic of how Bessent runs the
department, according to people familiar with his methods. Bessent has
consolidated power in his massive agency, often relying on a handful of
advisers to carry out the president’s agenda.
That grip over the department has allowed Bessent to be
a lead voice on a range of policies important to the president. Bessent’s
extensive remit also includes artificial intelligence and the impact it has on
the U.S. economy, and trade talks with China. He also advised the president on
his choice for the new chairman of the Fed.
The Treasury secretary’s inner circle includes advisers
who have a long history with Bessent. Alexandra Preate, his senior counselor
and top spokeswoman, did public relations work for Bessent before he entered
government. Along with Lange, Hunter McMaster, a close Bessent ally and
assistant secretary at the department, worked with Bessent at Key Square, as
did Francis Browne, who was recently nominated to be an undersecretary at the
department. Browne’s sister, Erin Browne, was recently confirmed by the Senate
as Treasury’s undersecretary for international affairs.

Bessent,
with Gene Lange, announced new sanctions against Iran in August. Bessent with
senior counselor Alexandra Preate in November outside the White House.Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images; Yuri Gripas/Press Pool
Last week, Treasury announced David Zervos, a longtime
Wall Street market strategist and a top executive at Jefferies, would become a
senior adviser to Bessent.
Outside advisers include economist and television
personality Larry Kudlow; Lawrence Lindsey, the former head of the White
House’s National Economic Council; and Alec Ellison, an investment banker in
New York and a fellow native of South Carolina, according to people close to
Bessent.
Some who cross the secretary or the White House have
been sidelined or pushed out of the department.
As of the end of August, seven Senate-confirmed
officials had left the department, according to the Partnership for Public
Service, a nonprofit group, compared with zero to two in the past four
administrations during similar time periods, including Trump’s first term.
Only one of the recent vacancies under Bessent’s watch
has been filled with another Senate-confirmed official. Dozens more non-Senate
confirmed officials have left the department since Bessent was sworn in.
The department currently doesn’t have a Senate-confirmed general counsel or head of
legislative affairs, nor does it have Senate-confirmed officials overseeing tax
policy or domestic finance, although two of the positions have nominees.
Bessent, who oversees the Internal Revenue Service, has
also presided over historic turnover at that agency. Since Trump took office,
the IRS has cycled through five acting IRS commissioners, and the position is
currently vacant. Bessent created a new, non-Senate confirmed role overseeing
the agency, appointing ally and Social Security Administration chief Frank Bisignano as the IRS’s CEO.
Bessent’s reputation as a challenging boss has
complicated efforts to fill key vacancies at the department, according to
people familiar with the matter. Several potential recruits said they decided
not to pursue job opportunities at Treasury because they had heard about
Bessent’s behavior.
‘Mission
oriented’
Bessent’s defenders in and out of the administration
acknowledge he can be combative, has a temper and is demanding with staff. But
they argue his intense approach to the job is an asset.
“He’s a good person, but he’s got a tripwire and he’s
got a temper,” said former Trump White House chief strategist Steve Bannon, who
said he has known the secretary for nearly a decade. “‘We got a purpose and
mission here, and we’re mission oriented. And I’m not interested in your
feelings. If your feelings are hurt, I’m sorry, but get the f— out of here,’”
Bannon said, in describing Bessent’s attitude toward Treasury staff.
The defenders said Bessent puts pressure on his
employees to improve their performance and ensure they execute the president’s
agenda, a tactic he learned when he ran an investment firm. The secretary’s
advisers also criticized some of the staff who have left the department after
clashing with Bessent, arguing that they were standing in the way of the
president’s vision.
“The secretary is demanding and results oriented. As
one of the world’s greatest macro investors, this should not be a surprise.
When I worked for him, he was always professional and respectful,” said Joseph
Lavorgna, who was a counselor to the secretary for just under a year.
Bessent’s backers also say bond yields would have been
even higher without his intervention, and they point to success in supporting
the Argentine peso and Japanese yen. And while economic growth hasn’t reached
3%, it has been relatively solid and may be accelerating now thanks to the AI
boom.
As an investor on Wall Street, Bessent developed a
reputation for his intensity, according to former colleagues. Bessent—who
worked for George Soros’s hedge fund, Soros Fund Management, and became the
firm’s chief investment officer in 2011—sometimes exhibited streaks of anger.
After a $200 million investment in Philip Falcone’s
Harbinger Capital Partners ran into trouble in 2012, Bessent became angry in a
meeting at the firm’s office, as Soros and a half-dozen others watched
uncomfortably.
Philip
Falcone of Harbinger Capital Partners in 2012. Jacob
Kepler/Bloomberg
“We had a very animated discussion” over Harbinger’s
investment in an ill-fated wireless venture, “which he clearly didn’t know the
first thing about, and I think he got quite annoyed when I implied that,”
Falcone recalled. “He wasn’t screaming, but it was very heated.” A Soros
representative declined to comment.
Falcone reached a civil settlement with the Securities and
Exchange Commission in 2013 after the regulator said he and his firm harmed
investors. He and the firm agreed to pay more than $18 million, and Falcone was
banned from the securities industry for five years.
At Treasury, current and former department officials
described in interviews a high-stress work environment that veterans of past
administrations said was more intense than they have experienced.
People who have worked with Bessent said he often
appears calm but can excoriate staff when he is frustrated. Some aides said
they ask colleagues about the secretary’s mood before coming into contact with
him, and trade advice on how to avoid him when he is angry. Several officials
described feeling relieved when Bessent was away from the office.
The Treasury secretary cycled through three people
filling the role of chief of staff before settling on Kate Tyrrell in June. Dan
Katz, Bessent’s first chief of staff, was among the officials who clashed with
Bessent, according to people familiar with the matter. He left the agency in
fall 2025 to be a senior official at the International Monetary Fund.
Bessent sometimes lashed out at Katz in meetings when
he offered counsel on policy matters, according to some of the people.
In a statement, Katz said Bessent drew on his
experience as a successful investor to approach decisions “with discipline,
clear judgment, and a strong sense of urgency.” He said he left when he was
promoted to a consequential role in international finance.
Dan Katz, far left, with
Bessent and Trade Representative Jamieson Greer with Chinese counterparts in
2025. U.S. Treasury Department/AFP/Getty
Images
Trump’s
tough guy
Bessent enjoys cultivating a tough-guy image, according
to former Treasury officials, who said the secretary found reports about
altercations with other Trump advisers humorous. He asked more than one aide if
they had read the news coverage of his dust-ups with administration
officials.
He had to be separated from Elon Musk early on in the
Trump administration after the two men got into a shouting match in the West
Wing during a disagreement over the Internal Revenue Service. Bessent
confronted Trump’s housing chief, Bill Pulte, at a private dinner in September
2025, physically threatening Pulte over allegations that Pulte was undermining
him with Trump.
“Treasury secretaries dating back to Alexander Hamilton
have a history of dueling,” he quipped when asked during a CNBC interview about
his argument with Pulte, “and it turned out a little better for Treasury’s side
this time.”
Bessent has also clashed with Commerce Secretary Howard
Lutnick, according to an administration official and a Trump adviser, at times
questioning Lutnick’s competency in his job. Last year, at The Ned, a private
Washington club frequented by administration officials, Lutnick asked Bessent
if the two men could talk. “No,” Bessent curtly replied, turning his back on
the Commerce secretary, according to a person who witnessed the exchange.
Lutnick told the Journal there was no disagreement at
The Ned. “That evening, we spoke to the president together. Scott is a key
member of the administration and is committed to advancing President Trump’s
agenda,” he said.
Bessent with Commerce
Secretary Howard Lutnick in the Oval Office in August 2025. brendan smialowski/Agence France-Presse/Getty Images
Bessent’s aggressive approach to the job has improved
his standing with Trump, who has long been known as a demanding boss and has
told advisers that he likes the Treasury secretary’s feisty public persona.
Trump supported Bessent’s move to intervene in the bond market, according to a
senior administration official, despite criticism from Wall Street analysts.
Trump calls Bessent almost every day, according to
people familiar with the conversations. The Treasury secretary is one of the
few senior administration officials who can talk the president out of ideas he
views as unwise, some of the people said, such as escalating tariffs. A White
House official said Bessent has told other administration officials he doesn’t
want the president to view his agency as a dysfunctional operation.
The president has told advisers that he thinks Bessent
is adept at calming the markets, and he has encouraged him to help figure out a
way to lower interest rates. But during an event in Nevada in April, Trump
described Bessent as difficult and took credit for turning the Treasury
secretary into a “big star.”
“I created a monster,” Trump joked.
Bessent and his allies have worked to protect his
public image, battling reporters in public and private over their coverage. The
Treasury secretary yells at his communications staff over stories or headlines
he doesn’t like, current and former officials said.
After the Journal wrote a story about Bessent’s purchase of government bonds that
Bessent objected to, the Treasury Department blocked a Journal reporter from
attending a press conference where the secretary announced his plan to isolate
Iran through stepped-up economic sanctions.
The department also revoked the credentials of
reporters from the Journal, the New York Times and Bloomberg to cover a G-20 finance ministers summit in North Carolina. Bessent has
complained about all three news outlets’ coverage of him. He has also taken
issue with the Financial Times over its coverage. In a recent Axios interview,
Bessent called the FT a “disgraced publication” and accused them of being
“anti-American.”
Bessent spoke at the
G-20 finance ministers meeting in North Carolina in September. Allison Joyce/Agence France-Presse/Getty Images
When hecklers from the liberal group Code Pink
interrupted the Treasury secretary at a Washington restaurant in December and
criticized the Trump administration’s economic sanctions policies, Bessent
called them ignorant and erupted at the owner of the restaurant for not
removing them. According to the owner and also a nearby diner, Bessent spit in
his own food before leaving.
“When people legitimately question what he’s doing he
falls back on ad hominem attacks,” said Myrow, the managing partner at Beacon
Policy Advisors. “People want someone in that role who’s less thin skinned and
seen as almost boring.”
In June 2025, a day after Treasury sanctioned three
Mexican financial firms, the country’s president Claudia Sheinbaum at a press
conference called for proof that the firms had been laundering money in
connection with illegal opioid trafficking. “We are no one’s piñata,” Sheinbaum
said.
Bessent began upbraiding his staff, urging them to
publicly push back on her remarks. Treasury staff in Mexico received emails
from Bessent aides in Washington that laid out the secretary’s frustrations.
The secretary is losing it, one of Bessent’s aides said
at the time, meaning Bessent was losing his temper, according to a person who
received one of the emails.
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