Sunday, December 01, 2024

A dangerous and unqualified choice for the FBI

 

A dangerous and unqualified choice for the FBI

Senators must do their constitutional duty once again by rejecting Trump’s nomination of loyalist Kash Patel.

 

By Ruth Marcus

December 1, 2024 at 11:26 a.m. EST

 

President-elect Donald Trump’s choice of uber-loyalist Kash Patel to be FBI director is a hair-on-fire moment. Trump is poised to install a team of toadies at the Justice Department — a flotilla of his criminal defense lawyers but most ominously an attorney general, Pam Bondi, who has vowed that “the prosecutors will be prosecuted,” and now, with Patel, an FBI director who would add journalists to that list.

 

“Yes, we’re going to come after the people in the media who lied about American citizens, who helped Joe Biden rig presidential elections,” Patel said of Trump’s plans in a 2023 podcast with Trump ally Stephen K. Bannon. “We’re going to come after you, whether it’s criminally or civilly — we’ll figure that out.”

 

This is not normal.

 

Republican senators — enough of them, anyway — did their constitutional duty in balking at former congressman Matt Gaetz, Trump’s clownish first choice to serve as the nation’s chief law enforcement officer. Now, unpleasant and politically perilous as it might be, they must stand up to Trump again.

 

The Senate, and the country, needs to hear Bondi and Patel explain themselves, because responsible law enforcement officials do not talk like this, with claims of criminal retribution against their perceived enemies. “The investigators will be investigated,” Bondi told Fox News last year.

 

Patel is particularly worrisome. Don’t listen to me; listen to Trump’s former attorney general, William P. Barr, who objected to Trump’s first-term efforts to install Patel in the No. 2 job at the FBI. In his memoir, Barr said he told then-White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows that Patel would get the deputy job “over my dead body.”

 

Patel, Barr wrote, “had virtually no experience that would qualify him to serve at the highest level of the world’s preeminent law enforcement agency. The very idea of moving Patel into a role like this showed a shocking detachment from reality.”

 

Patel debuted in Trumpland when, as an adviser to Rep. Devin Nunes (R-California), he wrote a memo arguing that the FBI’s investigation into Trump and Russian interference in the 2016 election was politically motivated. Subsequently, he held various roles in the first Trump administration, from serving on the National Security Council to advising both the director of national intelligence and the secretary of defense.

 

Now this.

 

It’s important to understand that a new president picking the FBI director of his preference is not the norm — it is an aberration, and a dangerous one. Presidents are generally entitled to political appointees of their choosing, but the FBI director is supposed to be insulated from politics. That is one reason the director is appointed to a single 10-year term, spanning two administrations.

 

A president can fire the FBI director, but until Trump, that had happened only once, when President Bill Clinton removed William S. Sessions in 1993 over ethics lapses. The circumstances of that removal underscore its extraordinary nature: It occurred only after the Justice Department’s Office of Professional Responsibility concluded a lengthy report, released at the end of George H.W. Bush’s presidency, and only after months of the new administration agonizing over how to deal with Sessions.

 

In announcing the move, Clinton said he and Attorney General Janet Reno “agreed that, in the normal course of events, the director of the FBI should not be changed just because administrations change … perhaps even especially when there’s a change of political party in the White House.”

 

Even then, the action triggered criticism. Senate Minority Leader Bob Dole (R-Kansas) called the firing “a potentially worrisome precedent” that “should concern every American who values the political independence of our nation’s top law enforcement agencies.”

 

Then came Trump, who, four months into his first term, fired James B. Comey in the midst of the bureau’s investigation into Russia’s involvement in the 2016 presidential election. Trump’s action came after a private dinner with Comey a week after the inauguration at which, Comey wrote in his memoir, the new president told the director, “I need loyalty. I expect loyalty.

 

Trump replaced Comey with Christopher A. Wray, who, predictably, incurred Trump’s ire during his first term and who — after having been kept on by President Joe Biden — Trump now plans to remove if Wray does not leave on his own.

 

Welcome to life under Trump: What once was shocking now seems ordinary.

 

Never in the history of the FBI — it was created in 1908 as the Bureau of Investigation — has there been a director anything like Patel. He poses a double threat: both a crony of the president and an unstinting critic of the institution he has been tapped to lead.

 

“Unstinting” might be understated. In his 2023 book, “Government Gangsters,” Patel wrote, “The rot at the core of the FBI isn’t just scandalous, it’s an existential threat to our republican form of government.” He calls the bureau “one of the most cunning and powerful arms of the Deep State” and a “tool of surveillance and suppression of American citizens.” Patel describes “the political jackals at the FBI” and recommends getting rid of its headquarters. Putting someone like Patel at the helm of the FBI would be beyond reckless. Patel’s book includes a helpful appendix listing 60 members of the deep state — “not including the entire fake news mafia press corps.”

 

Couple that with Patel’s allegiance to Trump. “Even in an administration full of loyalists, Patel was exceptional in his devotion,” the Atlantic’s Elaina Plott Calabro wrote in an August profile. “We’re blessed by God to have Donald Trump be our juggernaut of justice, to be our leader, to be our continued warrior in the arena,” Patel told the Conservative Political Action Conference in February. He was a presence on the campaign trail.

 

Meantime, Patel is doing well by serving Trump. He sits on the board of the company that owns Truth Social and has received more than $300,000 in consulting fees from Trump’s leadership PAC, along with $145,000 for fundraising consulting for Gaetz in 2021.

 

In her Atlantic piece, Calabro quoted a longtime Trump adviser about the president-elect’s views of Patel: “A lot of people say he’s crazy,” Trump had said, according to the adviser. “I think he’s kind of crazy. But sometimes you need a little crazy.”

 

No. Not at the FBI. Senators, do your jobs.

Trump and His Team Are ‘Laughing’ at Biden’s Commitment to Decorum

 

Trump and His Team Are ‘Laughing’ at Biden’s Commitment to Decorum

Biden called Trump a fascist. Now his White House is ensuring an orderly transfer of power — and staging photo ops with the president-elect

By 

Asawin SuebsaengNikki McCann Ramirez

December 1, 2024

 

Donald Trump and his incoming administration officials think Joe Biden and Kamala Harris are suckers. They’re not shy about saying it.

Within the past month, Biden, Harris, and the current administration have repeatedly vowed an orderly, peaceful, fully cooperative transfer of power between Biden and Trump — a twice-impeached former president and convicted felon whom the presidentvice president, and Democratic leaders regularly denounced as a “fascist” tyrant and clear threat to the constitutional order. 

It hasn’t just been the legal transfer and procedures to which Democrats have committed themselves. Biden has promised to attend Trump’s 2025 inauguration, even though Trump refused to grant him the same grace after the 2020 election. Of course, then-President Trump actively sought to overturn Biden’s 2020 election victory and even helped foment a violent coup at the U.S. Capitol as part of his months-long effort to cling to power.

Not long after the election this early November, Biden hosted Trump at the White House for a pleasant photo opportunity. The president and vice president congratulated Trump, and Biden told him “welcome back” to his face, as the two men sat down for the news cameras, as if they were old pals who had just resolved a mildly heated argument.

These actions are all far, far above and beyond what Trump and his first administration were willing to do during the last U.S. presidential transition for Biden — including in its commitment to basic decorum and photo ops that don’t even technically affect the legal transfer of power. 

And — in the same way that top Trump adviser Stephen Miller privately found it funny that Biden actually preserved some of his and Trump’s preferred immigration crackdown methods — members of Team Trump find this asymmetrical level of commitment to norms, well, funny. 

“Some of us have been laughing about it,” an incoming Trump administration official tells Rolling Stone. “[Democrats] spend all this time calling Donald Trump a Nazi and Hitler, and now it’s just: ‘Smile for the camera!’”

These sentiments of gleefully rejoicing and sneering at, as one close Trump ally puts it, the Democrats’ almost performative “capitulation” to Trump — who campaigned on a grossly authoritarian platform that includes wielding the federal apparatus to exact revenge operations on prominent political enemies — are widely shared in Trumpland, according to four sources close to the president-elect or working on the Trump transition.

In recent weeks, according to a source familiar with the matter, Trump himself has privately mocked Biden for being so “nice” after Harris lost the election, with the president-elect sarcastically joking that he would have done the same thing for his Democratic opponents.

Throughout his campaign, Trump regularly winked and nodded at the possibility that — should he not win a decisive victory in the general election — he would fall back on his 2020 playbook and reject the will of the voters this year, too. 

Fomenting an attempted coup against the certification of the Electoral College was already a clear enough signal of Trump’s intentions, but in the aftermath of his 2020 defeat, Trump was also openly uncooperative with transition officials and the incoming Biden administration.

The now president-elect waited until almost two months after the election to officially concede that he would not be returning to the White House. He fled D.C. — which was left in a state of outright militarization following the attack on the Capitol — and refused to attend any events related to the transition of power, including the inauguration. 

Trump’s campaign waited seven weeks before beginning the most rudimentary discussions about a transition. Biden was denied the standard books typically authorized for incoming presidents, including access to daily national security briefings, funds to run the transition, and office space to begin staging the new administration. Even as it became crystal clear that Trump had no legitimate claim to a second term, the White House continued to vet potential nominees and appointees as if they would remain in power. 

By contrast, the Biden administration has seemingly bent over backward to avoid giving the incoming Trump administration any opening to claim they are obstructing his return to power. Earlier this month the two met at the White House to discuss the logistics of the transfer. Special Counsel Jack Smith — who headed the now defunct federal prosecutions against Trump — has even begun shuttering his own criminal cases into Trump, saving Trump some time from following through on his campaign promise to fire Smith upon retaking the White House. 

If there’s anything that will slow Trump’s transition, it’s his own camp’s refusal to sign the standard financial and ethics agreements required for agencies involved in the transition to begin authorizing the release of resources for the incoming administration. His team finally relented to some extent last week.  

Earlier this year, Trump said it was “ridiculous” that he had to leave the White House. In November, days before the election, Trump said outright, “I shouldn’t have left.” 

The difference here is that — pleasant or not — the outgoing administration has a democratic and legal and civic responsibility to not be like Trump and his loyalists. The peaceful transfer of power tradition is a central pillar of the democratic process, and messing with it poses a destabilizing blow to the American experiment. 

On the other hand, nobody is legally or morally obligated to attend January’s celebratory inauguration in Washington, D.C., or cheese for a photo op, or act publicly chummy with someone who their political party had (correctly) diagnosed as a bloodthirsty, wannabe authoritarian — and a threat to basic rights, vulnerable communities, and the democratic order and health of the nation. 

Should Biden refuse to grant Trump his physical participation in the performance of the inauguration pageantry, the outgoing president would be far more justified in his reasoning than his predecessor.

The Hammer of the Oligarchy

 


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