Thursday, October 31, 2024

FRANK BRUNI

 

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Will Biden be remembered as American democracy’s savior or a midwife to its ruin?


By Frank Bruni

President Joe Biden’s record is his record, and history can’t overwrite it. During his years in the White House, he signed major pieces of legislation regarding economic stimulus, infrastructure, clean energy, gun safety, the American semiconductor industrymarriage equality and more. They were not foregone conclusions. They have brightened many Americans’ futures. He’ll be remembered admiringly for that.

But his legacy all in all hinges on Nov. 5. If Vice President Kamala Harris beats Donald Trump, Biden is golden — not just forgiven for his long delay and fierce reluctance before giving up on a second term but also lionized for letting go of that dream.

If Trump wins, Biden will face a much different judgment.

All of us who recognize the danger and depravity of Trump are on tenterhooks, and all of us will suffer, as a country, if he returns to 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. But Biden’s stake in this election is singular, and that’s not even factoring in Trump’s sinister and chillingly undemocratic pledge to sic federal investigators and prosecutors on Biden and his family.

The historical anomaly of how Harris emerged as the Democratic presidential nominee and the unusually hurried, compressed nature of her campaign are the direct result of Biden’s initial insistence, despite voters’ clear concerns about his age and vigor, on running for re-election, and of his persistence for more than three weeks after his disastrous performance in a debate with Trump in June.

By the time he dropped out of the race on July 21, three days after the end of the Republican National Convention and less than a month before the beginning of the Democratic National Convention, there was no real opportunity for any mini-primary to determine his replacement. No way to see how various candidates might stack up against one another in a competition for the nomination. Perhaps Harris would have prevailed. Perhaps not.

And the postmortems after a Trump victory would not focus primarily on any ill-considered, easily weaponized remarks, such as a comment Biden made on Tuesday that seemed to refer to Trump’s supporters as “garbage.” They’d emphasize and dwell on the unanswered questions surrounding the primary that never happened.

They’d be postmortems like no others, because Trump is such a dire threat. That was the proposition of Biden’s 2020 campaign — he came out of quasi-retirement in his late 70s because, he told us, stopping Trump demanded it. And barring Trump from the White House is similarly central to Harris’s closing argument. She spoke on Tuesday night from the spot in Washington where Trump infamously riled up the hellions who stormed the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, as a reminder: Trump is an enemy of democracy and an agent of chaos.

Which is truer than true, and which is why a transition from Biden to Trump would prompt a magnitude of despair and an intensity of soul searching unfamiliar from party changeovers past.

There’d be recognizable elements of that reaction, such as a hindsight-is-20-20 analysis of the losing candidate’s strategic decisions and strengths and weaknesses. What if Harris had chosen a different running mate? What if she’d more quickly, squarely and eloquently articulated the changes in her positions? What if she’d done more probing media interviews sooner, to beat back any suggestion of excessive caution?

The list would be endless, and I hope it would at some point yield to the acknowledgment that Harris burst into her sudden candidacy with a remarkable assurance and poise that greatly exceeded her detractors’ expectations. That she summoned enormous energy and demonstrated formidable drive. That she delivered an excellent convention speech. That she demolished Trump during their one debate.

But she was denied the experience — the seasoning — of a full primary process. What if she’d benefited from that? Or what if that process had produced a Democratic candidate who could have more easily established separation from the incumbent?

What if that incumbent hadn’t held on so tightly for so long? That’s the question that so many other questions would come back to, in a manner that would tie the verdict on Biden’s presidency to the name of his successor with an ironclad tightness. That’s no doubt part of why Biden has reportedly itched to get out on the campaign trail on behalf of Harris — he understands not only how much the country has riding on this election but also how much he individually does.

And that’s the millionth reason I’m fervently hoping and desperately praying that Harris prevails. I believe Biden to be a good man who has done much good for us. That can rise to the surface if we don’t sink to the bottom.

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