The size of Joe Biden’s victory matters. And it is
huge.
Opinion by
Columnist
Dec. 4, 2020 at 10:30 a.m. EST
The
refusal by Republicans to acknowledge President-elect Joe Biden’s
election victory is
remarkable in its contempt for democracy and defiance of reality. But while
much time has been spent trying to get Republicans to admit that Biden won,
very little time has been spent impressing upon them the magnitude of the
victory. That matters as we begin Biden’s presidency.
Biden
not only received a majority of the popular vote, but also cleared 51 percent —
the largest vote percentage obtained against an incumbent president since 1932
and a bigger percentage of the popular vote than any Republican president since
George H.W. Bush in 1988, when Bush was essentially running for a third Ronald
Reagan term. In the process, Biden amassed the largest total number of ballots
in U.S. history. He pummeled Trump by more than 7 million votes (and exceeded
Barack Obama’s 2008 vote total by more than 11 million). That
margin is bigger than Massachusetts’ entire population; in fact, only 14 states have a population of more
than 7 million. Biden’s popular vote margin by percentage (4.4
percent) far surpasses Obama’s 2012 victory over Mitt Romney.
Why is
it important to emphasize the magnitude of Biden’s victory? Because, far from
narrow, it represents the overwhelming verdict of the voters. If
there is such a thing as a mandate, Biden has one. He has been explicit about
the things he intends to do: preserve and expand Obamacare, pass child-care and
sick-leave legislation, pursue police reform, push through a massive
infrastructure bill and tackle climate change.
Of
course, if his margin of victory was a single vote or single elector, he would
still be entitled to exercise all the powers of the presidency. That it is of
such an enormous magnitude should earn at the very least a measure of
consideration and deference from senators who were given their seats by a
comparatively tiny portion of the electorate.
Treating
Biden as anything but the president-elect and denying him ample latitude to
compile the Cabinet and senior staff of his choosing represents an outlandish
attempt to preempt the will of more than 80 million Americans.
This
does not mean Republican lawmakers are prohibited from opposing Biden
vigorously on all sorts of matters, but it should make clear how outrageous it
would be for them to attempt to hobble his presidency by, for example, refusing
to confirm qualified executive and judicial nominees. This will surely not
prevent Republicans from trying, but it should impress upon Biden the
extent to which he might employ an old-fashioned tactic: going over the heads
of lawmakers to the public.
In a
way, he has begun to do this during the transition. In lieu of meeting with
Republicans who continue to snub him, Biden has met with governors, mayors,
business executives, labor leaders and ordinary Americans. He should do
more of this, and, indeed, move the center of political activity out of
Washington whenever possible.
Since
it will have to be remote anyway, why not deliver his first address to a joint
session of Congress (called the State of the Union in all but his first year)
from somewhere in the heartland? Likewise, he should assemble (if remotely)
governors of both parties who are desperate for the sort of relief Senate
Republicans have held up since May. Send them back home with a list of what
Biden would give their states — if only Republicans would let him. When the
threat of covid-19 subsides — and it will if he successfully completes his
vaccination plan — he should spend ample time outside the White House.
Biden
famously promised to reach across the aisle. If he does so effectively, more
power to him. However, if the transition is any indication, he is going to be
met with stonewalling, obstruction and bad faith. That is his cue to go out to
the voters — both who voted for him and who did not. Perhaps the voters in turn
can remind their representatives that they chose to end the Trump era and to
give Biden a shot at righting the ship of state.
