Thursday, October 22, 2020




The president also apparently “brainstormed ideas” Tuesday afternoon about how to go after the 60 Minutes reporter. 


OCTOBER 21, 2020

As you’ve probably heard by now, on Tuesday, Donald Trump abruptly walked out of an interview with 60 Minutes’ Lesley Stahl and then failed to return for a previously scheduled appearance he was supposed to tape for the show with Mike Pence. Later he tweeted a surreptitiously recorded video of Stahl not wearing a mask and shamed her for not adhering to the protocols he’s ignored for the past seven months, seemingly trying to damage the credibility of the widely respected journalist before their sit-down aired.

Obviously, none of this is normal; according to the Washington Post, the president was unhappy with Stahl’s tough line of questioning regarding his disastrous handling of the coronavirus pandemic, his feud with Dr. Anthony Fauci, and his attacks on Michigan governor Gretchen Whitmer, in addition to the fact that she pointed out how his absurd claims about Hunter Biden, as well as the Obama administration spying on his campaign, are bullshit. And while the interview isn’t set to air on 60 Minutes until Sunday, the president has apparently decided he might just preempt the network and humiliate himself, releasing the train wreck early:

It’s not clear what “electoral intrusion” is, but it would seem Trump believes that asking legitimate questions of someone campaigning for another four years in office constitutes some kind of crime, and it probably won’t be long before he demands that Attorney General Bill Barr indict Stahl. Per the Post:

When Trump first walked in, Stahl looked at him and said, “Are you ready for a tough interview?” The president believes 60 Minutes will cut the interview in an unflattering way and has been talking all afternoon about how to preempt the footage, said the person familiar with the circumstances. After 45 minutes, Trump looked at staff members and said, “I think we’re done, do you guys agree?” Stahl believed the walk with Pence was still going forward, but Trump left the room and later complained to aides that [Joe] Biden would have an easier interview and that 60 Minutes would “cut it up to make him look bad,” according to an aide.

While three aides told the Post that the president overreacted and someone with knowledge of the interview said it contains no bombshell revelations, Trump reportedly “complained about it all day.” And because he’s a sociopath, he “told aides he wanted to go after Stahl and brainstormed ideas after the session with a group of aides in the Oval Office,” as though he literally had nothing else to do with his time other than plot his revenge on a journalist. As for why the White House has its own recording of the interview, CBS was told it was for “archival purposes only,” and not that it would be used by a vindictive president who’s worried that people might find out he’s crazy and incompetent right before the election.

Anyway, here’s Trump’s chief of staff, Mark Meadows, whining to Maria Bartiromo this morning about how Stahl apparently didn’t open the interview by asking Trump, “When did you realize you were the best president in U.S. history?”

Update: The president is now trying to claim he schooled Stahl, or something, by tweeting a photo of her looking at a bunch of blank papers he says show all the work he’d done on healthcare:

For those of you keeping up at home, this is at least the third time Trump has tweeted photographic “evidence” of something that’s just been a bunch of blank paper, the other times being when he signed “documents” with nothing on them from Walter Reed and when he held a press conference shortly before being inaugurated and claimed a pile of folders filled blank sheets of paper contained his “business plan.” In 2016, he made a big show of signing stacks of papers that he said were his tax returns, and while it's not clear if the pages were blank, they were most definitely fake considering that was one of the years he paid basically nothing in taxes.


Wednesday, October 21, 2020



THOMAS FRIEDMAN After the Pandemic, a Revolution in Education and Work Awaits


After the Pandemic, a Revolution in Education and Work Awaits

Providing more Americans with portable health care, portable pensions and opportunities for lifelong learning is what politics needs to be about post-Nov. 3.


By Thomas L. Friedman

Opinion Columnist

  • Oct. 20, 2020

The good Lord works in mysterious ways. He (She?) threw a pandemic at us at the exact same time as a tectonic shift in the way we will learn, work and employ. Fasten your seatbelt. When we emerge from this corona crisis, we’re going to be greeted with one of the most profound eras of Schumpeterian creative destruction ever — which this pandemic is both accelerating and disguising.

No job, no K-12 school, no university, no factory, no office will be spared. And it will touch both white-collar and blue-collar workers, which is why this election matters so much. How we provide more Americans with portable health care, portable pensions and opportunities for lifelong learning to get the most out of this moment and cushion the worst is what politics needs to be about after Nov. 3 — or we’re really headed for instability.

The reason the post-pandemic era will be so destructive and creative is that never have more people had access to so many cheap tools of innovation, never have more people had access to high-powered, inexpensive computing, never have more people had access to such cheap credit — virtually free money — to invent new products and services, all as so many big health, social, environmental and economic problems need solving.

Put all of that together and KABOOM!

You’re going to see some amazing stuff emerge, some long-established institutions, like universities, disappear — and the nature of work, workplaces and the workforce be transformed.

I’ve been discussing this moment with Ravi Kumar, the president of the Indian tech services company Infosys, whose headquarters is in Bangalore. Because Infosys helps companies prepare for a digital world, I’ve always found it a source of great insight on global employment/education trends. I started my book “The World Is Flat” there in 2004. Back then, Infosys’ main business was doing work that American companies would outsource to India. Today, Kumar operates from New York City, where he’s creating thousands of jobs in America. How could that be?

It starts with the fact, explained Kumar, that the Industrial Revolution produced a world in which there were sharp distinctions between employers and employees, between educators and employers and between governments and employers and educators, “but now you’re going to see a blurring of all these lines.”

Because the pace of technological change, digitization and globalization just keeps accelerating, two things are happening at once: the world is being knit together more tightly than ever — sure, the globalization of goods and people has been slowed by the pandemic and politics, but the globalization of services has soared — and “the half-life of skills is steadily shrinking,” said Kumar, meaning that whatever skill you possess today is being made obsolete faster and faster.

Your children can expect to change jobs and professions multiple times in their lifetimes, which means their career path will no longer follow a simple “learn-to-work’’ trajectory, as Heather E. McGowan, co-author of “The Adaptation Advantage,” likes to say, but rather a path of “work-learn-work-learn-work-learn.”

“Learning is the new pension,” Ms. McGowan said. “It’s how you create your future value every day.”

The most critical role for K-12 educators, therefore, will be to equip young people with the curiosity and passion to be lifelong learners who feel ownership over their education.

Obviously, everyone still needs strong fundamentals in reading and writing and math, but in a world where you will change jobs and professions several times, the self-motivation to be a lifelong learner will be paramount.

Parallel to that, explained Kumar, accelerations in digitization and globalization are steadily making more work “modular,’’ broken up into small packets that are farmed out by companies. Companies, he argues, will increasingly become platforms that synthesize and orchestrate these modular packets to make products and services.

In the process, Kumar added, “work will increasingly get disconnected from companies, and jobs and work will increasingly get disconnected from each other.’’ Some work will be done by machines; some will require your physical proximity in an office or a factory; some will be done remotely; and some will be just a piece of a task that can also be farmed out to anyone, anywhere.

As more work becomes modular, digitized and disconnected from an office or factory, many more diverse groups of people — those living in rural areas, minorities, stay-at-home moms and dads and those with disabilities — will be able to compete for it from their homes.

The reason Kumar now operates from New York is that he sees a huge new market in helping U.S. companies to prepare for this world by identifying potential new employees with skills — whether or not they have college degrees — then pairing them with new pathways of online training and pairing companies with these new talent pools. Every big company is going through this now — or will. Even The New York Times!

Look at the list of online opinion writers for The Times: It’s radically different from when I became a columnist in 1995, when you had to be a staff employee. Today we have full-time staff columnists; columnists who are not on the staff but contribute regularly from all over the world, and on many days, one-time contributors. The people who moderate the comments on our columns are workers who plug in from all over the world, and much of the art is provided by freelancers. My longtime copy editor is working from home.

Welcome to the Times orchestra.

This is already having a big impact on education. “We have started hiring many people with no degrees,’’ explained Kumar. “If you know stuff and can demonstrate that you know stuff and have been upskilling yourself with online training to do the task that we need, you’re hired. We think this structural shift — from degrees to skills — could bridge the digital divide as the cost of undergraduate education has increased by 150 percent over the last 20 years.’’

Infosys still hires lots of engineers. But today Kumar is not looking just for “problem solvers,’’ he says, but “problem-finders,’’ people with diverse interests — art, literature, science, anthropology — who can identify things that people want before people even know they want them.

Steve Jobs was the ultimate problem-finder.

Now so many more people can play at that, because you no longer need to know how to code to generate new software programs. Thanks to artificial intelligence, there is now “no-code software.’’ You just instruct the software to design some code for the application that you’ve imagined or need and, presto, it will spit it out.

“We’re seeing the democratization of software — the consumers can now be the creators,’’ Kumar explained. It shows you how AI will take away jobs of the past, while it creates jobs of the future.

Finally, he argues, in the future, postsecondary education will be a hybrid ecosystem of company platforms, colleges and local schools, whose goal will be to create the opportunity for lifelong “radical reskilling.”

“Radical reskilling means I can take a front-desk hotel clerk and turn him into a cybersecurity technician. I can take an airline counter agent and turn her into a data consultant.”

Today, companies like Infosys, IBM or AT&T are all creating cutting-edge in-house universities — Infosys is building a 100-acre campus in Indianapolis designed to provide their employees and customers not “just-in-case learning’’ — material you might or might not need to master the job at hand — but “just-in-time learning,’’ offering the precise skills needed for the latest task, explained Kumar.

In the future, lifelong learning will be done by what I call “complex adaptive coalitions.’’ An Infosys, Microsoft or IBM will partner with different universities and even high schools, argues Kumar. The universities’ students will be able to take just-in-time learning courses — or do internships — at the corporations’ in-house universities, and company employees will be able to take just-in-case humanities courses at the outside universities. Both will be able to “learn, earn and work,’’ all at the same time. It’s already beginning.

There is great potential here — if it is done right. The students get exposed to what is most new by way of innovation technologies and techniques. And the company engineers and executives get exposed to what is most enduring — civics, ethics, theories of justice, principles of democracy, notions of the public good, environmentalism and how to lead a life of purpose.

Thomas L. Friedman is the foreign affairs Op-Ed columnist. He joined the paper in 1981, and has won three Pulitzer Prizes. He is the author of seven books, including “From Beirut to Jerusalem,” which won the National Book Award. @tomfriedman  Facebook


Frank Bruni


I’m surest of someone’s strength when he has shown me his weakness. I’m most confident in someone’s smarts when he has confessed all that he doesn’t know.

And if his life is one long pantomime of potency and pretense of omniscience? Then I’ve no faith whatsoever in his strength or his smarts.

Yes, I’m talking about President Trump: That’s why I used “he” and “his.” And I’m prompted by this crazy past week, when he insisted on cloaking the full truth of his experience with Covid-19 and then downplayed the threat of the coronavirus through and through.

I’m not going to rehash his recklessness, which I explored in a column published on Friday morning, hours after we learned that he had tested positive, and in another published on Monday morning.

What draws my interest is a related topic: the criminally squandered opportunity of the president’s infection.

He could have used it as the most powerful of tools to educate Americans about the public-health threat that we still confront and to rally all of us toward better, safer behavior.

He could have described it as a kind of wake-up call, cast it as a moment to regroup and refortify.

Of course, he did neither, and I say “of course” because if there is one changeless facet of his presidency, it’s his refusal to change. To grow. To be strong enough to admit weakness. To be smart enough to cop to foolishness.

I’m no dreamer. I live in the fact-based universe, with my expectations tempered accordingly. So I never expected this president to say anything as blunt and self-knowing as: “I was cavalier. Irresponsible. I screwed up. Learn from me, and don’t you screw up.”

To be fair, most of our presidents wouldn’t have been that openly reflective, that boldly apologetic. American politics beats much of the humanity and humility out of its highest-ranking practitioners, and a politician’s opponents attack rather than applaud such candor.

But Trump could have found enormously constructive ground shy of that. Imagine this: In his videos from the hospital, instead of saying (falsely) that he’d had no choice but to stage crowded events and dangerously reassuring Americans of treatments that were “miracles,” he muses about how easy it is for any one of us to feel invincible and how vulnerable each of us is in the end.

He takes a brief vacation from the first-person singular to dwell on how many Americans have suffered and how much they’ve lost, exhorting all of us to a magnitude of concern for the people around us that we don’t always muster. He speaks of the methods by which we can and must protect them as well as ourselves. Then he models those methods. He puts as much flourish into the donning of a mask as he does into ripping one off.

That’s not just my imagination talking. Apparently, at least a few of his campaign advisers hoped and rooted for a scenario like that, according to reporting by Maggie Haberman and Annie Karni in The Times.

Those advisers reasoned that if the president “appeared sympathetic to the public in how he talked about his own experience and that of millions of other Americans, he could have something of a political reset” and improve his re-election prospects, which don’t look good.

I won’t lie: I don’t care that he fumbled the reset. I want this presidency over, because it and he have betrayed the American people. No correction this late in the game will redeem all that Trump has done wrong, all that he has cost us.

But I care, very much, that he could have illuminated the country over the past week and instead chose darkness. Again.

I shouldn’t say “chose.” He’s not choosing. He’s a prisoner of his constitution — of his character — and of a preposterous belief that he must project indomitability and infallibility, which is a guarantee of falling tragically short of both.

He couldn’t and can’t rise to real leadership and do right by Americans because he’s not that strong, and he’s not that smart.

The Whiner in Chief


Trump will end his presidency as he began it: Whining


Opinion by 

George F. Will


Oct. 21, 2020 at 6:00 a.m. CDT

As the Donald Trump parenthesis in the republic’s history closes, he is opening the sluices on his reservoir of invectives and self-pity. A practitioner of crybaby conservatism — no one, he thinks, has suffered so much since Job lost his camels and acquired boils — and ever a weakling, Trump will end his presidency as he began it: whining.


His first day cloaked in presidential dignity he spent disputing photographic proof that his inauguration crowd was substantially smaller than his immediate predecessor’s. Trump’s day of complaining continued at the CIA headquarters, at the wall commemorating those who died serving the agency. His presidency that began with a wallow in self-pity probably will end in ignominy when he slinks away pouting, trailing clouds of recriminations, without a trace of John McCain’s graciousness on election night 2008:


“Sen. [Barack] Obama has achieved a great thing for himself and for his country. I applaud him for it, and offer my sincere sympathy that his beloved grandmother did not live to see this day — though our faith assures us she is at rest in the presence of her Creator and so very proud of the good man she helped raise. ... And my heart is filled with nothing but gratitude ... to the American people for giving me a fair hearing before deciding that Sen. Obama and my old friend, Sen. Joe Biden, should have the honor of leading us for the next four years.


Just 12 years separate the nation from this tradition of political competition bounded by banisters of good manners. Subsequently, the Republican Party has eagerly surrendered its self-respect. And having hitched its wagon to a plummeting cinder, the party is about to have a rendezvous with a surly electorate wielding a truncheon. The party picked a bad year to invite a mugging, a year ending in zero: Approximately 80 percent of state legislative seats will be filled this year, and next year the occupants, many of them Democrats wafted into office by a wave election, will redraw congressional districts based on the 2020 Census.


After Democrats controlled the House for 40 years (1954-1994), control of it changed under four presidents (Bill Clinton in 1994, George W. Bush in 2006, Obama in 2010, Trump in 2018). Trump’s legacy might include a decade of Democratic control of the House.


Political prophecy is an optional folly, but occasionally, as now, it might be useful by encouraging eligible voters to take the trouble to participate in a historic correction. It is not yet probable, but is not highly improbable, that Joe Biden can become the first candidate in 32 years to capture more than 400 electoral votes (George H.W. Bush, 426 in 1988). He can do this by carrying some Trump 2016 states where Biden is either leading or within the margin of polling error — Arizona, Florida, Georgia, Iowa, Ohio and Texas.


Texas is the most important red state: Without its electoral votes (38 today; probably 41 in 2024), the Republican path to 270 is dauntingly narrow. Trump’s 52 percent in Texas in 2016 was the lowest Republican total in 24 years (when Bob Dole split the anti-Clinton vote with Ross Perot). With seven of the nation’s 15 fastest-growing cities (El Paso is almost the size of BostonSan Antonio is twice the size of Seattle), Texas illustrates the Republican Party’s understandable antipathy toward that which it exists to persuade: the electorate. Texas’s Republican governor, with the elastic scruples of his party, has ordered (this is being litigated) that each of the state’s 254 counties shall have only one drop-off site for absentee ballots — one for Loving County (population 169), one for Harris County (Houston, population 4.7 million, 70 percent non-White), one for Brewster County, whose size (6,192.3 square miles) could hold Connecticut with room remaining for more than half of Rhode Island.


The GOP’s desire — demonstrated in myriad measures in many states — for low voter turnout is prudent: As the nation becomes more urban, suburban, diverse and secular, the Republican Party becomes more fixated on rural and small-town White voters. Thirty-six percent of Americans lived in rural areas in 1950; in 1990, 25 percent did; today, 17.5 percent do. Now, the rural population, 60 million, is about what it was in 1945. Since then, the urban population has almost tripled.


Analyst Charlie Cook asks: “In 2016, 87 percent of Trump’s vote came from whites. For congressional Republicans in the 2018 midterms, it was 86 percent. Is this sustainable?” You have to admire Republicans’ jaunty, if suicidal, wager that it is.


Every Vote Counts and Matters




When it comes to entrepreneurship, no one thinks harder, teaches more or invests smarter than Howard Tullman. As long-time leader of the largest incubator in the Midwest, 1871, Howard is also a regular Inc. magazine columnist, a serial investor, and major art collector. Now in the midst of a year like no other, when we see the legion of Small Business casualties mounting every day, we’ve asked Howard to talk start-ups, technology, policy and more. He'll distill his many words of advice, encouragement, and tough love, to tell us how he sees the future for what America makes best: Entrepreneurs.

Rump Going Nuts


Donald Trump is getting desperate — and his mental pathology is getting worse every day

As mental health professionals, we see a disturbed and destructive man whose psyche is unraveling before our eyes


OCTOBER 21, 2020 11:00AM (UTC)

Despite the outbreak and spread of the coronavirus at the White House, Donald Trump still insists that "it's going to disappear." To make matters worse, he proclaims, "We have a cure." We have lost 220,000 Americans to a deadly pandemic. And what does he say? "I'm immune. So the president is in very good shape to fight the battles." He continues to promulgate lies and misinformation about the pandemic.

At his rally in Florida in front of 7,000 supporters, Trump announced, "I feel so powerful. I'll walk into that audience, I'll walk in there, kiss everyone in that audience. I'll kiss the guys and the beautiful women, just give you a big fat kiss." This is hypomanic hypersexuality from our president.

Last Thursday evening at his town hall on NBC, Trump admitted that he had retweeted a QAnon conspiracy theory that the killing of Osama bin Laden was fake and had been staged by Barack Obama and Joe Biden. A bizarre conspiracy theory gone awry.

On Friday, Trump told a crowd in Georgia that he "might have to leave the country" if he loses the election to Biden. That sounds like a semi-confession of his corruption.

At a campaign rally in Wisconsin on Saturday, he asserted that the National Guard's physical altercations with protesters were "beautiful." Trump's glorification of violence.

At his rally in Michigan on the same day, he criticized Gov. Gretchen Whitmer — recently the subject of a kidnapping plot busted by the FBI — and the crowd chanted, "Lock her up." His response: "Lock them all up." Trump's vindictiveness toward political foes.

Donald Trump is a desperate man. His recklessness is growing by the hour as his poll numbers are failing and his presidency is coming to a crashing end. His mental pathology is front and center. His psyche is unraveling before our eyes.

Trump is in an existential crisis of his own making. George Conway — a lifelong Republican, Washington attorney and co-founder of the Lincoln Project — summed it up best when we reached out to him: "We've seen how he is continuing to reach new depths. He realizes he is headed toward destruction."

Trump is now wildly out of control with his ranting tweets, lies, conspiracy theories, threats, gaslighting and erratic behavior. His pronouncements are getting more disturbed and destructive. He is telling senior citizens that they are not vulnerable to the coronavirus. He is telling the public that they should not let the coronavirus dominate their lives. He even stated that he must be a perfect physical specimen because he recovered from COVID-19 so quickly (completely disregarding the powerful cocktail of drugs he received). He was recently live on the air twice in one day on Fox News, airing his unmoored grievances, soothing his injured ego, projecting ridiculous grandiosity and collecting narcissistic fuel.

Alarmingly, Trump is losing his grip on reality. He is agitated. He seems to be hypomanic — quite likely exacerbated by his COVID-19 medications. He has become paranoid. He has been calling out for his political opponents to be indicted. He has been preoccupied with a totally fake conspiracy theory about Barack Obama and Joe Biden spying on his campaign. He is lashing out at some of his most loyal cabinet members. He is even blaming Gold Star families for giving him COVID-19.

Trump is on a collision course with self-destruction. He has lost all ability for rational and reasonable discourse with the American people. His performance during the presidential debate on Sept. 29 was shocking and disheartening. He was hostile and rude. He showed no self-control. He was flailing. Trump even canceled his second debate with Biden — he was looking for a way out.

Trump now feels cornered and exposed. His sense of entitlement is threatened. His grandiosity and superiority are crumbling. What he fears most is being embarrassed and humiliated. After all, he has spent his whole life branding himself as smarter and stronger and richer than anyone else. His "false self" persona is being chipped away hour by hour.

The emperor is about to have no clothes.

As Trump's desperation grows, his mental pathology is becoming more amplified. He is looking unhinged because he is unhinged. It is all we can see — a man who is erratic and unrestrained and debilitated. He is always defensive. He grumbles and roars and blames others. He is incapable of taking responsibility for his own decisions and behavior. He is incapable of leading and governing.

Trump's desperation includes a scorched-earth mentality. If he is going down, he wants to bring everyone and everything down with him. He has no hesitation to break laws or destroy people. Democratic institutions and principles mean nothing to him. All that matters is his survival, his preservation, his continued power.

The end is in sight. But Trump will go down fighting. He will hold onto power until the last possible moment. It will have to be stripped away from him. He will not facilitate a peaceful transfer of power to Biden. He will cry out that he is the victim of a conspiracy. Unbelievably, he will seek sympathy for himself. He will urge his supporters to strike out in anger and aggrievement. He will bask in the glow of his victimhood.

Trump will leave behind a deadly pandemic. He will leave behind a country that is divided and tribal. Racism and xenophobia and terrorist groups have become prominent. Far too many of us have stopped believing in science, the truth and the free press.

We are facing two more weeks of Trump's desperation and mental pathology. Each day will seem unending. Each day will be exhausting.

Two more weeks until our votes are finally cast and counted. 

Two more weeks until Trump's chaos, incompetence and corruption can be ended.


Alan D. Blotcky, Ph.D., is a clinical psychologist in Birmingham, Alabama.



Seth D. Norrholm is an associate professor of psychiatry in the Wayne State University School of Medicine in Detroit.


If you're occasionally speechless about Rump, here's a handy guide from Greg Dobbs


Mocking masks and ignoring social distancing, he holds campaign rallies with no concern for anyone else’s health.

There is a time and a place to throw around the F-word. A national radio broadcast isn’t one of them. Unless you’re Trump, earlier this month on Limbaugh.

Dangerous, that is, to American soldiers. The man won’t even scold Vladimir Putin for putting bounties on their lives.

“I think I’ve done more for the Black community than any other president, and let’s take a pass on Abraham Lincoln.” (June 12, 2020) C’mon man, why stop there?

After a woman is killed protesting a white nationalist rally in Charlottesville, Trump says, “Very fine people on both sides.” (August 15, 2017)

Aside from his stale stock line that “even one death is too many,” we have never, NEVER actually heard somber unscripted remorse about more than 220,000 countrymen now dead from the coronavirus, whether Trump bears responsibility for many of those deaths or not.

His campaign ads create the impression of endorsements by Dr. Fauci, who is taken completely out of context, then by the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, whose image is used without his permission.

Disconnected, that is, from reality. “We are rounding the turn.” (October 15, 2020) Yeah, right. Declared on a day when at least ten states reported their highest coronavirus case totals since the pandemic began, a day when nationwide the curve is increasing on infections, on hospitalizations, and soon, if history is any guide, on deaths. Meantime, “Next year is going to be better than ever before.” Just like that. 11 million unemployed? Poof, you’ve got jobs. More homeless than ever before? Poof, you’ve got homes. Just like that.

“We will have Healthcare which is FAR BETTER than ObamaCare, at a FAR LOWER COST.” (October 12, 2020) Oh yeah? When??

"The only way we're going to lose this election is if the election is rigged.” (August 17, 2020)

At a rally, upset about public safety efforts of Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer, Trump fans chant “Lock her up.” All Trump says in response? “Lock them all up.” (October 17, 2020) No condemnation, though, of the fans already locked up for plotting to kidnap, try, and execute the governor.

“Your all time favorite president.” (May 10, 2019)

The latest? Claiming Democrats want to undermine white suburbs with African refugees.

Now he calls Dr. Fauci “a disaster,” then pouring it on with, "People are tired of hearing Fauci and these idiots.” (October 19, 2020.) Maybe it’s Trump who’s tired of hearing Fauci, whose latest national trust rating is more than half again higher than his.

Tax records show, Trump has leveraged the presidency to enrich his companies and line his pockets. His kids’ pockets too.

Does the name Stormy Daniels ring a bell? Or maybe Trump’s infamous boast, “When you’re a star, they let you do it. You can do anything. Grab ‘em by the pussy.” (2005)

Sorry, there’s just not enough room on this page.

Mocking a disabled reporter. Denouncing a Gold Star family. Calling fallen heroes “losers.” Where shall we start?

Thousands of immigrant children, some just toddlers, separated from their parents. For months.

I know, I know, this sounds like a departure from the other adjectives until you understand what’s obscene about Trump’s loyalty: he’s loyal to white supremacists, to crazed conspirators, to the likes of Putin, and Kim Jong-un… far more loyal to them than to our allies in NATO.

A president who is duty bound to keep us safe, doesn’t.

Describing police dispersing crowds after a peaceful protest in Minneapolis: “I don't know, there's something about that— when you watch everybody getting pushed around— there's something very beautiful about it.” (October 17, 2020)

On his niece Mary: “She’s a mess.” (July 17, 2020)

To the Proud Boys, who advocate violence: “Stand back and stand by.” (September 29, 2020) Everythingbut “stand down."

Look it up. Or, just watch Trump.

Determined to dismantle everything Obama ever touched: foreign pacts, climate directives, health care.

Trump tweets that President Obama had the Navy’s Seal Team Six killed to cover up the fake death of Osama bin Laden. Oh sorry, my bad, he only “retweeted” it, so it’s not his fault.

This is former Trump chief of staff and retired Marine General John Kelly’s word for Trump, not just mine.

Exhibits A-Z: the first debate with Biden.

Trump, after a Nevada rally where thousands ignored a state rule limiting the size of gatherings: “If the governor comes after you, which he shouldn’t be doing, I’ll be with you all the way.” (September 14, 2020) Side note: the Tonight Show’s Jimmy Fallon said afterward, “The Bellagio fountain started spraying bleach.” 

To quote another TV host, Trevor Noah, “How do you still trust this man after he admitted he’s been downplaying the coronavirus this whole time?… This is like believing a Nigerian email scammer after he tells you that he’s a Nigerian email scammer.’”

How else do you explain that as his polling numbers drop, all he knows how to do is double-down on the petty, perilous, reckless behavior that put his numbers in a ditch in the first place?

Tens of millions sliding deeper into despair, and he calls off the stimulus talks.

This is not exactly what you'd call leading by example: “I don’t know, somehow sitting in the Oval Office behind that beautiful Resolute Desk, the great Resolute Desk. I think wearing a face mask as I greet presidents, prime ministers, dictators, kings, queens — I don’t know, somehow I don’t see it for myself. I just, I just don’t.” (April 3, 2020)

He attacks Governor Whitmer, the target of a murder plot. He doesn’t attack the terrorists who concocted it.

Suddenly, with the election looming, he’s going to send $200 drug prescription cards to seniors, billions to farmers, and billions more to Puerto Rico, which might win votes in Florida.

Encouraging disruption at polling places. Enabling voter suppression. Refusing to commit to a peaceful transfer of power.

Republican Massachusetts governor Charlie Baker says he “cannot support Donald Trump for President.” Ohio’s former GOP governor John Kasich says the same. The widow of 2008 GOP standard bearer John McCain endorses Biden. 2012 standard bearer Mitt Romney votes to remove Trump from office.

Deflecting blame for his slow pandemic response, “I don’t take responsibility at all.” (March 13, 2020)

On John Bolton after his book came out: “Just trying to get even for firing him like the sick puppy he is!” (June 18, 2020)

Talking about Turkish President Erdogan, Trump tells journalist Bob Woodward, “It’s funny, the relations I have, the tougher and meaner they are, the better I get along with them.”

As Obama’s national security advisor Susan Rice realistically wrote about the pandemic, “People would have died with even the most aggressive president.” But what she wrote next paints the bigger picture: “President Trump’s willful failure to confront Covid-19 has brutalized our country.”

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