Thursday, December 07, 2023
FRANK BRUNI
Over the past few days, The Times and other publications have published articles noting how reluctant many progressive politicians and many humanitarian groups, such as UN Women, have been to acknowledge and express outrage about the unspeakable sexual violence against women in Israel during those blood-soaked hours. My colleague Bret Stephens had an especially powerful column on that topic. One of the main reasons for that reticence and outright silence? Broken pelvises and mutilated genitalia are seen as inconvenient talking points if your script and your focus is the oppression of Palestinians by Israelis.
But a first-rate morality can recognize, care about and crusade against that oppression and still call a rape a rape. Decency can carve out mention of — and disgust with — unconscionable brutality amid a broader discussion about the larger conflict. It can mourn what needs mourning and condemn what demands condemnation without betraying other concerns. It can simultaneously pressure Israel to show greater mercy in Gaza and call for an end to Hamas’s murderous hold on Gazans. It has awareness enough to see bad actors everywhere and not just some hierarchy of power. It has empathy enough to flow in multiple directions.
From almost Oct. 8 onward, I’ve listened to people quibble with x report of the atrocities on Oct. 7, with y description, with z figure, and what I’ve heard isn’t any strict and simple devotion to provable fact. It’s a desire to tidy up the carnage in the service of a neat and clean taxonomy of villains and victims. And there’s neither first-rate intelligence nor first-rate morality in that.
GREG DOBBS
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(Dobbs) I wish Israel could
have found a way to kill its enemies but no one else.
Everyone comes together when faced by a common threat.
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I’m afraid Israel could
win the battle but lose the war.
To use the lingo of the Israel Defense Forces, they are “eliminating”
Hamas leaders and eviscerating their capacity to wage war again. I support that
goal. On October 7th, an estimated 1,200 Israelis were murdered. Women were
raped, people’s limbs were amputated, eyes were gouged out, sometimes before these pour souls were slaughtered.
That’s what we knew before this week. Then, at
a conference Monday at the U.N. in New York, it got even worse.
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Witnesses testified to what they found when they got to
the scenes of Hamas’s crimes. A man who helped collect victims’ corpses spoke
of “horrific things I saw with my own eyes.” Horrific things like a woman’s
body with “nails and different objects in her female organs,” another victim’s
genitals so dismembered that “we couldn’t identify if it was a man or a woman.”
He spoke of one woman he found “half-naked, from the waist down. She was shot
in the back of her head. When we turned her around she had an open grenade in
her hand.,” presumably planted to kill others who entered the room. A
military reservist who had to prepare bodies for burial described several women
“who were shot in the crotch, intimate parts, vagina, or were shot in the
breast.” She told of others whose faces were butchered, or who had several
gunshots to their heads.
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Hundreds more, as we know, were kidnapped. Most are
still in the wretched captivity of Hamas. Israel’s army says that at least
seven of those in captivity have died. According to unverified reports, the
number is even higher than that.
Israel cannot afford to leave Hamas alive to do this
again. Ever.
As dreadfully costly as it has been to Palestinians and
to Israel itself, it has made some progress toward that goal. The Israel
Defense Forces have killed several top commanders from Hamas. Hamas itself has
confirmed it. But as they die, other military leaders are waiting in the wings.
Israel estimates that Hamas has had at least 30,000 fighters in its forces,
maybe closer to 40,000. Many have been eliminated, but far from most. Now, as
upwards of two million of Gaza’s civilians keep looking for safe refuge south
of Gaza City, Hamas terrorists are concealing themselves in the cover of those
non-combatants.
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The odds are, some will be identified, pursued, and
killed, but some won’t.
Fresh ground fighters are waiting in the wings too. In
the West Bank, the other Palestinian territory, where people for years have
felt abused by Israeli soldiers and police and persecuted by fundamentalist
Israeli settlers who claim that God gave them their land, now they are being
radicalized by what they see in Gaza. A New York Times reporter covering
protests there described one chant that echoed across the crowds: “The people
want Hamas! The people want Hamas!”
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This bodes badly for Israel.
What’s more, when we see photos of children in Gaza who
are going through hell, it’s not hard to imagine them being recruited into next
generation of terrorists. Or in some cases, into today’s.
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This is what U.S. Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin
meant last weekend when he warned Israel, “If you drive them into the arms of
the enemy, you replace a tactical victory with a strategic defeat.”
Regrettably, it might be too late to stop that. It is my experience covering
conflicts where once there were deep divisions in a nation’s population that
everyone comes together when faced by a common threat. Palestinians in both
Gaza and the West Bank see that common threat as Israel.
This also bodes badly for the Jewish state.
There’s another way too that the Israelis might win the battle but lose the war: public opinion. In the first days of Israel’s response to the massacre, public sentiment seemed to be on its side. People understood Israel’s motive: to punish the perpetrators. But ten days in, when a missile struck near a hospital in Gaza City, news reports went viral with a claim by Hamas that the missile was Israel’s and that hundreds were dead. Before long, evidence pointed toward a Palestinian rocket that misfired, not an Israeli missile, but it was too late to erase the impression. Public opinion turned against Israel and hasn’t turned back.
To the contrary, it is getting worse. Now, the Israel
Defense Forces are trying to get non-combatants who’ve already evacuated south
from Gaza City, some with little more than the clothes on their backs, to get
on the move again. Israel is chasing the terrorists and wherever it finds them,
it will strike. But civilians are running out of places to flee. A U.N.
official in Gaza said this week that he can’t even tell people anymore where to
go to be safe.
To Israel’s credit, it is dropping leaflets from the
air, making robocalls in Arabic, and putting notices on Arab social media,
telling Palestinians to get out of the areas about to be targeted. It
doesn’t save every life but it saves some.
By contrast, Hamas never made robocalls on October 7th
to the attendees at the music festival, where more than 250 victims died, or to
the kibbutzes it attacked, or anywhere else, to warn people to get out. Its
goal was not to save civilians. It was to kidnap and kill them.
And evidently, from that testimony Monday at the U.N.,
to mutilate them. The suffering in Israel on October 7th was epic. But with the
scale of the suffering in Gaza, points like those are lost.
If any of us watches what’s happening and doesn’t feel
deep pity for the blameless Palestinians who have lost everything, we’re
missing something. I wish Israel could have been more “surgical” in its
attacks. I wish Israel could have found a way to kill its enemies but no one
else. It’s easier though to be an armchair general than a general in the field,
charged with eliminating adversaries who, as evidence now shows, operate among
the innocents. Maybe what I wish for just wasn’t possible.
The dilemma is that both sides see this as an
existential battle. For Hamas, the challenge is to stay alive. For Israel,
there are two. One is, their long-sought alliances with western-oriented Arab
states are in trouble, if not already in tatters, and might not be reparable.
The other is, the more Palestinians they kill, the more enemies they make. Not
just in Gaza, but in much of the world.
That’s what it means to win the battle but lose the
war.
Greg Dobbs’s commentaries are free. But there also are
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Robert Reich
Friends,
Rep. Patrick McHenry of North Carolina announced Tuesday that he won’t be seeking reelection.
McHenry steered the House as acting speaker during the chaos following Kevin McCarthy’s ouster. McHenry helped negotiate this year’s debt limit deal. He’s also one of the House’s most prominent policy wonks.
Retirements across both parties are already outpacing those of the past three election cycles.
The retirements are unlikely to alter the balance of political power in the House or Senate, since most come from “safe” districts that will almost certainly elect someone else from the same party.
But the retirements may alter the balance of integrity, making the Republican Party even less principled than it is now.
Some pending Republican retirees, like McHenry, are institutionalists who care more about policy than ideology. They respect the Constitution and want Congress to run well. A few actively opposed Trump.
McHenry was one of the handful of House Republicans who voted to certify Joe Biden’s victory in 2020.
Another House Republican who announced he won’t seek reelection is Colorado Representative Ken Buck.
Buck has denounced his party’s election denialism and the refusal of many Republican lawmakers to condemn the January 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol. “We lost our way,” Buck told The New York Times. “We have an identity crisis in the Republican Party. If we can’t address the election denier issue and we continue down that path, we won’t have credibility with the American people that we are going to solve problems.”
Several other Republican institutionalists exited before the 2022 midterms. Former Republican Representative Anthony Gonzalez, who was one of only 10 House Republicans to vote in favor of Trump’s second impeachment, left because of threats received by him and his family.
Former Republican congressman Peter Meijer, another of the 10, also exited before the 2022 midterms. He stated that the day after the vote, he purchased body armor and made changes to his daily schedule due to threats against his life.
Meijer also noted that his colleagues who voted not to certify the 2020 election “knew in their heart of hearts that they should’ve voted to certify, but some had legitimate concerns about the safety of their families. They felt that that vote would put their families in danger.”
In the Senate, Utah’s Mitt Romney, a Republican institutionalist, will not be seeking reelection.
The degeneration of the GOP has occurred over many years. I witnessed the first major purge of so-called moderate Republicans in 1994, when Newt Gingrich took over the House. The Senate still contained a few moderate Republicans: I worked with Senators Mark Hatfield, Arlen Specter, John Chafee, Jim Jeffords, William Cohen, and Susan Collins on several pieces of legislation. I found them all to be thoughtful and reasonable.
But moderate Republicans are gone from Congress. Soon, any Republican lawmaker still possessing some integrity will also be gone.
The Republican Party is in an integrity death cycle. As the GOP is taken over by Trump’s enablers and sycophants, the few remaining principled Republican lawmakers want out. As they depart, the Trump rot spreads.
Republican lawmakers who remain are the most self-aggrandizing and least principled. Which in turn causes the GOP to degenerate further.
Tragically and frighteningly, this means that if Trump regains the presidency, Republican lawmakers in Congress and the states will be even readier to do his bidding.
Wednesday, December 06, 2023
A powerful statement from Pfizer CEO
A powerful statement from Pfizer CEO
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