Monday, October 12, 2020

The GOP’s position could get even worse

 

The GOP’s position could get even worse

 

Opinion by 

Jennifer Rubin

Columnist

Oct. 12, 2020 at 6:45 a.m. CDT

Not too long ago, the space between the presidential candidates hovered in the six-to-eight-point range. The FiveThirtyEight average had the race’s margin just below seven points in late September. After the first, and so far only, presidential debate on Sept. 29 and President Trump’s covid-19 diagnosis, the gap widened to about 10 points.

 

That’s roughly in line with The Post-ABC News national poll showing former vice president Joe Biden with a 12-point lead, tied with Trump for support from men (extraordinary for a Democrat). Moreover, as my colleagues Scott Clement, Dan Balz and Emily Guskin write, “Biden holds a 23-point advantage among female likely voters (59 percent to 36 percent), while Trump and Biden split men, 48 percent each. If those figures hold, both would represent a shift from 2016, when men backed Trump by 11 points and women favored Hillary Clinton by 13 points.”

 

Likewise, in comparison with 2016, Biden has shrunk Democrats’ deficit with White, non-college-educated voters by 10 points, though Democrats are still down 26 points to Trump with those voters, and boosted the party’s advantage among White, college-educated voters to 31 points. Trump has managed to lose suburban women overwhelmingly, garnering the support of just 34 percent of them, vs. 62 percent for Biden. It should be no surprise that race-baiting, calling them “housewives” and recklessness about the novel coronavirus are losers with these voters.

 

Down-ticket Republicans have gotten sucked into Trump’s political death spiral, and we can expect them to lose House seats and very likely the Senate majority. The Cook Political Report suggests that “the most likely outcome is a Democratic net gain of between five and ten seats, with anything from no net change to a Democratic gain of 15 seats possible.”

 

A total collapse by Biden is a theoretical, but remote, possibility. Several factors will determine the magnitude of the blue wave.

 

First, will Trump go out on the campaign trail? On Saturday, he could only appear for a mere 18 minutes in front of a small crowd, suggesting he may be operating at considerably less than full strength. Insofar as his doctors are still unwilling to say that he has tested negative for the coronavirus and his gatherings do not make masks and socially distancing mandatory, there may be a backlash to his campaign outings. The worst-case scenario for Trump would be a relapse or another superspreader event. Trump may not yet have hit bottom.

 

Second, will Trump debate again on Oct. 22? The debate commission is silent on whether such a debate will be remote but has pledged to put in controls to make the debate more orderly. Trump may not be up to standing for 90 minutes and/or may not want to be muted, so there is no guarantee he will show up. If he does, and struggles even more than he did in the first debate when he is not allowed to break the ground rules, there is no telling how much lower his poll numbers will go.

 

Third, how will the stimulus and/or Supreme Court confirmation fight impact the elections? It is not clear that anything will move the needle on the presidential race. However, failure to deliver on the stimulus will be one more stake in the heart of the Republican Senate majority. Republicans seem to have overestimated any benefit they will get from Judge Amy Coney Barrett’s nomination and underestimated the aversion to confirming a justice this close to the presidential election. If the hearings do not go well for her or if the Judiciary Committee chairman gets riled up as he did in the hearings for now Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh, Sen. Lindsey O. Graham (R-S.C.), who is in a virtual tie with Democrat Jaime Harrison, may take a final, debilitating drop in the polls.

 

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